Understanding the
Credit Crisis
The credit crisis is a complicated issue.
There is much misinformation circulating about it; there are many
conflicts within it; and thus there is much disagreement about what
ought to be done about it. Here we shall try to distill the
situation in terms understandable to most people, without absurdly
oversimplifying it.
The crisis is (at present)
mostly restricted to credit and real estate markets. It
is not (yet) a stock market crisis, despite that the stock market is
influenced by credit factors, and often reacts wildly to news regarding credit
availability. (The stock market often reacts wildly to just about
any kind of news, yet such disturbances usually amount to very little over
time.) However, the credit crisis is real. If it is ignored or
mishandled, its effects will spread to other sectors of the economy.
The credit crisis involves two distinct problems: insolvency and
illiquidity. Insolvency is a problem for borrowers,
but affects lenders, too: Some borrowers simply owe
more than they can pay, and their loans go into default. They
lose whatever collateral they have supplied, and may have to file
for bankruptcy. This puts severe limits on their future
purchasing power and borrowing options, but it also leaves their creditors on the hook for
whatever part of the debt the collateral does not cover.
Illiquidity is a problem for
lenders, but affects everyone else, too: It is not that the credit
industry has no assets of value, but that the assets it has have become
"illiquid." This is because the value of all the loans
that have been bought, sold, renegotiated, foreclosed, transferred,
packaged, divided, and
repackaged has been obscured by that process, and cannot now be
accurately determined. And assets of unknown value cannot be
used to advance further credit. "Illiquidity" is a
term unfamiliar to most, but it is easily explained. Most
people have heard of "liquidity," which is the ease with which
assets and liabilities can be transferred or exchanged for other
things in an open market.
A liquid asset is
something that can be freely exchanged for something else.
Cash is perhaps the most familiar example of a liquid
asset.
An illiquid asset
is something that cannot be freely exchanged for something
else.
Cars, homes, businesses, and 401(k) retirement accounts are
examples of illiquid assets.
Credit illiquidity is more complex, but can be
understandably outlined in just a few steps. Let's
start with something familiar. 1. Most Americans are well
acquainted with home mortgages and equity loans, auto loans, and
credit card debt. And most have at least heard of
corporate and government bonds. These are all forms of loans,
money that is owed and must eventually be paid to someone else.
Loans thus count as "liabilities" on home and business
ledgers.
HOME LEDGER |
Assets / Income |
Liabilities / Expenses |
Salary, wages, tips
Checking, savings, and investment accounts
Home equity and furnishings owned
Other property and vehicles owned |
Groceries, fuel, utilities,
entertainment
Household and medical expenses
Taxes and fees
Loans |
2. On a bank ledger, however, loans appear as "assets,"
because they represent money that must eventually be paid back to the bank
by borrowers. (Or if it is not, the bank will recover the loss by selling
whatever collateral was provided by the borrower to obtain the loan.)
Correspondingly, a bank considers deposits as liabilities, money it has
"borrowed" from depositors and must ultimately be repaid to them. A block diagram makes it easy to see how money flows in this system.
Initially, local banks use depositor funds to make loans:
Depositors |
► |
Bank |
► |
Borrowers |
Savings
Accounts
(Liabilities) |
► |
Loan
Accounts
(Assets) |
In effect, depositors "lend" the bank their money, which the bank
then lends to borrowers. The bank charges borrowers interest
for the money it lends to them, and pays depositors interest for
the money it "borrows" from them (after skimming off a percentage
to cover the bank's own expenses):
|
Depositors |
◄ |
Bank |
◄ |
Borrowers |
Savings
Withdrawals |
◄ |
Loan
Payments |
Interest |
Interest |
3. To a bank, as we have already noted, a loan—which
represents money that the bank will ultimately receive—is an asset. A
loan in good standing with a known value is a liquid asset, and can be
exchanged like any other liquid asset. When local deposits run too low
to cover demand for loans or withdrawals, local banks can sell their
existing loans to larger banks, whose resources include deposits by large
businesses. This enables the local banks to raise cash, in order to
make more loans and cover withdrawals:
Local
Banks |
Loan Assets ► |
Large
Bank |
|
◄ Cash from Deposits |
4. The larger banks, in turn, may combine several loans into
a package, and sell that package (as a unit) to a still larger bank, or to
an investment bank, which pays for these assets with funds from sales of
shares to the investing public:
Large
Banks |
Loan #1 ► |
Asset Package ► |
Investment
Bank |
Loan #2 ► |
Loan #3 ► |
|
◄ Cash from Investors |
5. In addition, at any stage of this process, several such
packages may be carved up and recombined in order to diversify assets and
spread risk. (Note that this is not a matter of neatly separating and
regrouping individual loans. The carving process applies to the
package as a whole, with each slice of it effectively containing a portion
of every loan in that package):
Asset Package A |
Asset Package B |
Asset Package C |
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Investment
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Investment
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Investment
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If this is beginning to seem a bit confusing, that's because
it is. (So don't even bother trying to make sense of all the arrows!)
We need only understand that in the real world of banking, with its millions
of loans, the shuffling is vastly more complicated than in our simple
little example. A "sausage" analogy is appropriate: It
is
impossible to tell exactly which particular parts of which particular
animals ended up in which particular package of hot dogs.
Because each asset package is treated as a unit, all of the subsequent
"slicing and dicing" (as it's called) blurs distinctions about
precisely which bits and pieces of any original loan end up in any
final package. What complicates things even further is that
changes occur to the loans in these packages. Some of the original loans
have remained good and will be
repaid, while others have been renegotiated, and still others (about
3%,(1) as of September 2008) have gone into default.
So the values of the original loans have changed, even as all this
slicing and dicing has been going on. Now, all of these
assets and investments have some dollar value, to be sure. But
at this point it is extremely difficult to determine exactly what that value is. Since their
current cash value is undetermined, these assets can no longer be used to back
more loans and credit. They are no longer "liquid"
assets, but have
become "illiquid" ("frozen"). That is, they cannot easily be
used in routine transactions. And that is the problem,
because ordinarily these assets would be used to back further lending
activity downstream.
So
it's just a credit crisis—for the time being.
Proposed
Solutions |
The "Trickle-Down" Bailout / Rescue
The plan initially
proposed by Treasury Secretary Paulson was to buy up these illiquid assets at some price
(estimated by Paulson at $700 billion)—so as to
replace them with liquid cash—in order to unfreeze credit and prevent
the economy from stalling. Later, when a fair value could be
determined for these assets, they would be sold (hopefully at a
profit), and the proceeds returned to taxpayers.
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A "Bubble-Up" Alternative
Instead of buying up illiquid
debt, one populist alternative suggested would distribute money to home-buyers whose mortgages are in
danger of default, and allow the cash to filter up through the system
to the investment banks. By first aiding the immediate victims,
this seems to many a much fairer approach. However, there are
serious disadvantages to it.
(1) It would take months for the cash infusion to work its way up into the
system far enough to unfreeze the credit market as a whole. In
the meantime, the economy would slow to a crawl, if not grind to a
standstill, for lack of liquid cash and credit flow.
(2) Even if time were not a crucial issue, this approach would leave a
considerable proportion of potentially usable, good, solvent debt
bound up in the illiquid muck with the bad debt. In other words,
a potential part of the solution would instead remain in the system as part of the
problem.
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Government Purchase of Bank Equity (Stock)
This plan was first tried, apparently with some success, by some
foreign governments, and has now become the plan of choice by the Bush
administration. Rather than sticking taxpayers with bad debt, it
infuses capital into the credit system. This has certain
advantages:
(1) It is much faster and easier to implement than a bailout.
(2) It leverages the investment, to produce greater results with a
more modest expenditure.
(3) It offers a realistic expectation of return
on that investment.
When markets begin to recover, the equity can be sold at a profit.
This could be returned entirely to taxpayers, or the profit portion
could be used to retire public debt (a measure which would also reduce
taxpayer burden, albeit indirectly).
There is much howling that government ownership of bank stock
constitutes a move toward socialism. However, these acquisitions
are temporary, and the equity would eventually be sold back to private
investors. There is no more reason to fear "a socialist trend"
in banking than there was in transportation with Conrail. Recall
that government purchased, consolidated, and restored several failed
railroads, and ultimately sold the revitalized system back into the
private sector.
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The consequences of
inaction, or of action that comes too late, are not pretty.
If we allow a pervasive credit freeze to
set in, we can soon expect a "domino" effect. This is because
the credit market as a whole is not just home mortgages, auto loans,
and credit cards. It is systemically interlinked with the rest of
the economy of production and consumption.
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The crisis already affects the real estate and
construction industries, since these are almost entirely tied to credit
transactions.
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Next, it will disrupt lending to businesses and
individuals, resulting in a significant drop in capital investment and
consumer purchases. (Already AT&T has encountered difficulty in
obtaining short-term financing for monthly expenses.)
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Then, businesses will have to react by cutting back
production, laying off workers, and cutting stock dividends. As of
September 2008, recent job losses have already run into the hundreds of thousands; a protracted credit freeze
would result in millions.
If and when the crisis reaches this point, our economy
will have entered a true recession. Recovery will then be much
more difficult, because that will require halting and reversing the downward
inertia, not only of credit institutions, but of the entire economy.
Even individuals who fancy themselves independent—self-employed, debt-free,
and dealing only in cash—will ultimately feel the crunch when consumer
demand evaporates. It will then be too late
to complain about what should have been done earlier to deal
with the crisis when it affected only the credit market.
Indeed, it now seems the question is no longer whether there will be a
recession, but rather how severe the recession will be and how long it will
last.
So if we wish to avoid a severe and prolonged recession, we must
decide now what to do. Even though the options currently on the
table are not very attractive, it could take months to develop
something better, and we clearly do not have that luxury of time
before the economy turns sour. Better an ugly solution in time
to avert catastrophe, than a pretty one that's simply too late.
WE HAVE ALWAYS KNOWN THAT HEEDLESS SELF-INTEREST WAS BAD MORALS; WE KNOW
NOW THAT IT IS BAD ECONOMICS.
President Franklin D. Roosevelt, 1937 |
Who is to blame for this mess? There is plenty of blame
to go around: gullible borrowers, predatory lenders, "creative"
accountants, scheming executives, rubber-stamping corporate boards, heedless investors, and leaders of
both major political parties for at least the past two or three
decades. It can even be argued that the whole process began with
the best of intentions—to make the American dream of home ownership accessible to more people. But one thing is for certain:
Irresponsible deregulation has allowed predation and untempered greed to gain
control.
That is why the public is rightly outraged about excessive
bonuses and retirement packages given to executives whose firms failed
because of their reckless schemes. Why should anyone receive
millions as a reward for incompetence or malfeasance, while their
customers lose their savings, investments, and homes, and their employees lose
their jobs and retirement benefits? If thieving scoundrels are
rewarded, that will simply encourage others to become thieving
scoundrels! This is why we must take steps to hold
the miscreants accountable.
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The villains must know there is a price to be paid for
negligence and wrongdoing. When others must suffer for their
knavery, they must be punished for it if possible, and denied reward for it
at the very least. The problem here is that, technically, many of them have
done nothing illegal. Some legislation or judgment might be
needed in order to pursue reparations by means of lawsuits.
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We must reestablish prudent government regulation and
responsible oversight in an industry that evidently offers too many
temptations and opportunities for abuse. And we must ensure that no
administration can arbitrarily relax these controls, either to serve
personal interests or as favors to business cronies.
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Finally, we must maintain intense surveillance upon those
charged with solving the problem. A blank check for $700 billion
from taxpayers, without adequate safeguards and diligent oversight, is
unthinkable. We have ample reason to mistrust an administration that
has persistently lied to us—not just to the point that we are uncertain
whether or not to believe it, but well beyond that, to the point that we
must now regard any claim it makes as probably false unless proved
otherwise—not to mention a congress that has merrily rubber-stamped that administration's
schemes and whims for six of the last eight years.
As for ourselves, we must resolve
to live wisely and within our means.
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As consumers, we should avoid what is extravagant and
wasteful, and opt instead for what is practical and efficient.
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As borrowers, we must avoid taking on more debt than
we can reliably and comfortably handle. Above all, resist the
temptation to borrow for anything that isn't a true necessity.
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As investors, well, we're already in the soup.
We need to liquidate enough to keep ourselves solvent for perhaps a couple
of years or more, and
ride out the dip as best we can.
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As individuals and families, we need to take
responsibility for our own well-being, and avoid becoming a burden upon
others.
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As neighbors, we need to be willing and ready to help
each other when necessary, but not so overeager we let ourselves be suckered.
Come to think of it, most of these ideas are solid advice regardless of
economic conditions. Hope for the best, but prepare for
the worst. There is no need to panic, provided we now
soberly assess our situation and thoughtfully prepare for economic
hard times. If the recession turns out to be as severe as
anticipated, we can survive it with a little caution and foresight.
If, on the other hand, it turns out milder than expected, we can all
party when it's over. =SAJ=
Footnotes:
(1) A three-percent loan default rate
might not seem like much, until we consider that the normal default
rate is only a fraction of a percent.
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