Tangents  
 Created: 17 Nov 2002  Copyright © 2002-2003 by owner.
Standard permissions apply.
Edited: 10 Apr 2003 



What's Wrong with

Those Anti-Business, Bleeding-Heart, Tree-Hugging, Pointy-Headed, Politically Correct, Godless, Socialist, Tax-and-Spend

Liberals

To judge from the names people call them, liberals must be terribly misguided people. Why would any sane person choose to be a liberal anyway?
          Believe it or not, the word "liberal" derives from the Latin word for freedom, and so its current association with excesses of big government is puzzling.  To understand this curious situation, in which a word so closely related to the once cherished American ideal of liberty has become an insult in the eyes of some, we must consider the history of modern liberalism.

The late 18th and early 19th centuries were a time of revolutionary change.  Great Britain's North American colonies rose up against the Empire and, against seemingly impossible odds, successfully wrested their independence from what was the most powerful nation on earth at the time.  Inspired by the humanistic ideas of the Enlightenment, the leaders of the fledgling United States were launching a daring new experiment with an ancient idea of government without kings.  Sparks from these radical developments touched off earth-shaking anti-monarchy movements in Europe, beginning with the French Revolution and leading to the Napoleonic Wars that spread across Europe, their effects subsequently rebounding across the Atlantic to the Latin American colonies.  Perhaps just as important as these political revolutions, the development of the high-pressure steam engine in England launched the Industrial Revolution, which, despite initial economic and social upheaval, would ultimately obviate the ages-old dependence of human civilization upon forced labor.

Throughout its history, the term "liberal" has routinely been associated with political, social, and technological change.  Consequently, over the course of time it has come to apply to a variety of ideas as civilization has evolved. In the context of the 19th century, the term "liberal" applied to a new spirit of individualistic entrepreneurship, of men with new ideas and men with money forming alliances to exploit the new technology and produce more goods more cheaply than had ever been possible before, in the interest of amassing great profits.  Liberalism advocated a "hands off" policy of government, to allow industrialists the freedom to invent, innovate, and develop with minimal restraint.  In the process, though, labor forces were brutally exploited; competition was cut-throat; consumers were not only swindled by misleading advertising, but also endangered by lack of attention to safety and quality.  Indeed, the liberalism of the time was in many ways comparable to what we today associate with unbridled conservatism.

It took considerable time for the word "liberal" to become associated with the emancipation of slaves, the rise of labor unions, and universal suffrage.  But by the 20th century, liberalism had actually become the ally of common working men and women against an exploitive industrialist elite.  Naturally, any force for change (even if clearly beneficial) generates opposition among the establishment, which tends to view as threatening any changes to the status quo.  Beginning in the 1770s, liberalism promoted democracy at the expense of monarchy and colonialism; in the 1800s, it promoted a free market at the expense of mercantile charter; in the 1850s, it promoted industrial growth and urbanization at the expense of cottage industry.  In the 1900s, liberalism championed the rights of workers at the expense of the industrialists it had served earlier; in the 1930s, it funded government programs to revive an economy wrecked by laissez faire capitalism.  In the 1960s, liberalism championed human rights, and in the 1970s, ecological and health concerns, challenging entrenched practices of socio-economic discrimination and environmental exploitation.  In the 1980s, Soviet experiments with liberalism led to the collapse of the bankrupt communist system, and in the 1990s, economic liberalism restored a debt-driven U.S. economy to a self-sustaining, market-driven system.

Through all these changes, from the Enlightenment to the present day, liberalism has maintained a relatively constant association with a broadly educated stratum of the public — those who attempt to comprehend, appreciate, and (if possible) enhance the myriad interrelationships between man and mankind, and between mankind and the universe.  Indeed, many of America's founders were intellectuals of this sort:  Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, John Adams, and others.  A font of innovation, liberalism leads the advance of modern civilization, from each stage to the next.  In the process, it must confront the conservatism that attempts to arrest change and concentrate power and wealth in the hands of whatever faction happens to be dominant.  This is not to say that liberalism is good and conservatism is bad; each has its place.  Conservatism is necessary to restrain the headlong (and sometimes incautious) rush of unbridled liberalism, which, if unchecked, could destabilize society and thereby defeat its own purpose.  To use a familiar nautical analogy, liberalism may be thought of as the rudder of the ship of state, and conservatism as the keel; the one determines the course, while the other steadies it.  Conservatism's value is not that it prevents change, but that it causes us to stop and think before acting, perhaps averting potentially disastrous consequences.  Liberalism's value is not that it disrupts established patterns and traditions, but that it allows us to identify and address existing and potential problems, and to grow and progress rather than stagnate.

Now that we have briefly reviewed the history of modern liberalism and the general ideals of liberals, let's consider some of those labels frequently applied to them nowadays.

 Anti-Business Liberals   Business leaders and investors are typically wary of the uncertainty brought about by change.  They therefore tend to be politically conservative, and conservative politicians are consequently viewed as "pro-business."  Since the Great Depression, however, performance of business and investment markets during liberal administrations has historically been roughly double that experienced under conservative administrations.  Even supposedly "anti-business" environmental and cultural concerns have sparked lucrative business opportunities which did not previously exist.  While it must be conceded that some liberal policies have produced or aggravated economic inflation, overall they have enhanced the general standard of living (even after taxes), through stimulation of production and the fostering of a broad consumer market.  Meanwhile, ostensibly "business-friendly" conservative administrations have been marked by erratic economic swings and recession, banking calamities, rising unemployment, and disproportionate increases in the national debt — not to mention the scapegoating, social unrest, and rise of crime and hate groups, which inevitably accompany economic distress.  If the stock market needs to be a little nervous to make money, so be it.  The nation has historically been better off economically, socially, and culturally, when thriving securities markets have been powered by a healthy consumer market.

 Bleeding Heart Liberals   Leave it to conservatives to come up with a derogatory label for what is presumably a fundamental American ideal:  equal rights and equal treatment under the law for every citizen, regardless of ethnicity, creed, socio-economic status, or sexual orientation.  Liberals believe that equality under the law is a core value of democracy.  Some conservatives evidently believe otherwise.

 Environmental Freak Liberals   Admittedly, some environmentalists have shown themselves to be full-fledged fanatics, just as cursed with tunnel vision as the greedy exploiters whom they oppose.  However, being environmentally responsible does not mean losing touch with reality.  Indeed, it requires a more comprehensive and purposeful awareness of the finite world which supplies our needs.  It means, for example, appreciating that clean water does not flow from a faucet by magic, but is part of an essentially closed hydrologic cycle, and that the wise or foolish actions of a growing human population have cumulative effects on both its quantity and its quality.  It means understanding that we share the same biosphere with the other creatures of our planet, and that sudden extinction of species that have been around for millions of years (or since creation, for those who hold to such a view) is a warning that we might be doing something that could someday threaten our own survival.  It means not simply chanting in protest against pollution and exploitation, but working intelligently to develop clean and responsible ways to meet the material needs of society, to renew natural resources wherever possible, and to recycle those which cannot be renewed.  (Many of these efforts require new technology and more work — hence more jobs.  But is this a bad thing for a growing population?)
          The carefree days, when man could casually plunder his planet's resources, and foul its soil, air, and water without thought of consequence, are gone.  Believe it or not, there was a time not long ago (your scribe being old enough to remember it), when the air was clear enough that even city dwellers could see the horizon by day and the stars by night, and tap water did not get cloudy and fizz in your glass, and freshly fallen snow didn't have visible particles of crud in it.  Clean air and water were not considered freaky back then; they were just what nature could do if we gave it half a chance.  Is it really too freaky to hope that, with a little planning and effort, we and our kids might one day enjoy such things again?

 Godless Liberals   During the past few decades, liberalism has come under attack for being "anti-religion."  Ironically, this has resulted from liberalism's defense of religious liberty of various minorities—Jews, Hindus, neo-pagans, atheists, liberal Christians, and others—against what leaders of an increasingly vociferous fundamentalist Christian faction contend is their right to use the power of government to impose their beliefs and traditions upon society as a whole.
          But there is an important distinction here.  Liberalism does not oppose religion; many liberals are devoutly religious, and there is no conflict in that.  What liberalism opposes is coercion, including coercion by religious groups and institutions, and by government acting as their agent.  Liberalism seeks to protect the individual's and the family's right to worship (or not) in accordance with dictates of personal conscience, without interference, assistance, or favoritism by government.  Liberalism takes a secular (religiously neutral) stance; some religious activists, however, erroneously portray this neutrality as hostility toward religion.  They conveniently forget that it is precisely this neutral policy which has allowed the flourishing of small sects such as their own in America, in contrast to countries in which government is allied with officially favored religions against smaller sects.

 Pointy-Headed Liberals   Here is another derogatory label for a positive quality.  It sounds like an insult; but if someone calls us "smart" or "educated" (meaning essentially the same as "pointy-headed"), that would be a form of praise in most people's estimation.
          Intelligence and learning are not synonymous with liberalism by any means.  There are some intelligent and liberally educated (pointy-headed) conservatives, and there are more than a few stupid, single-issue liberals.  However, many people who make learning an important and continuing part of their lives, and who become acquainted with cultures and disciplines other than their own, have tended to gravitate toward the liberal side of the political spectrum.  While intellectuals are not the only ones attracted to liberalism, they have tended to be more constant in their acceptance of it, whereas those with narrow or transient interests have drifted into and out of the liberal sphere with the changing of their needs and of the times.  Like liberals, intellectuals tend to be less fearful of new ideas, and more appreciative of innovation's historical importance, current necessity, and future potential.
          Those ideas marking major advances of humankind—democracy, science, industry, education, and the like—typically spring from the minds of learned and creative people, who have the ability to think complex problems through, to solve them rather than simply to exploit them.  If that is what it means to be pointy-headed, then being sharp is clearly an admirable quality.  To be sure, the world needs specialists and tacticians; we need administrators, accountants, agriculturists, architects, anthropologists, artisans, and artists.  But in our increasingly global society, we also need interdisciplinary advisors, people who can assimilate the essentials of many fields of human endeavor, and devise ways to coordinate them to greater advantage, with a minimum of duplication, conflict, and adverse side-effects.

 Politically Correct Liberals   The term "politically correct" originated in the 1930s, probably in reaction to the virulent racist stance of rising fascist regimes.  "Politically correct" describes an attitude favoring the suppression of language and acts which may be construed as offensive by various groups.  The term fell into disuse following World War II, and remained dormant during the 1950s.
          The 1960s were a time of social upheaval.  Anti-war and civil rights demonstrations became increasingly violent, and lives and property were at risk.  In response, there was a growing practice in academic institutions to suppress expression of an inflammatory nature.  This seemed reasonable, inasmuch as most of the "free speech" initially being challenged comprised little more than gratuitous ethnic insults, hate slogans, and threats—not the thoughtful academic presentation and evaluation of competing ideas.  Even if violence were not an issue, some thought, universities are responsible for maintaining a non-threatening atmosphere conducive to study, calm reflection, and thoughtful discussion.  Consequently, censorship policies at some universities gradually spread to include any ideas which might be considered offensive to anyone.  Eventually, though, this came to be viewed as unreasonable restriction of freedom of expression.  As concern mounted, that the obligation of academia to examine and evaluate controversial and challenging ideas was being overridden by paranoia, the term "politically correct" arose from its slumber with a fury that stung liberal academicians.  It was the height of irony that liberals, the traditional champions of the free exchange of ideas, should indulge in censorship!  (This is not to say that censorship was otherwise unknown in America; indeed, conservatives routinely argue for suppression of ideas they don't like, on topics ranging from science and sexuality to political and religious dissent.)
          As protests diminished during the late 1970s, academic censorship declined correspondingly, until on most campuses it was once again reserved for addressing insults and threats.  Indeed, it has become synonymous with advocacy of common civility, and political correctness (as originally defined) has essentially become a relic of the past.  However, the term persists.  Having gotten so much political mileage out of it, many conservatives have been reluctant to let it fall into disuse, and continue to use "politically correct" as a general criticism of any liberal concept.  Nowadays, anyone associated with education, conservation, health and safety, humanities, science, labor unions, consumer or minority rights, religious diversity, fiscal responsibility, or other "liberal" ideas is liable to be branded "politically correct," even if he or she has never advocated censorship in any form.  Indeed, widespread overuse and misuse of the term have rendered it virtually meaningless in colloquial use, with the result that it has been transmogrified into a wryly backfiring comment upon the unwitting who use it indiscriminately.

 Socialist Liberals   Though socialism and liberalism are entirely different things, they have become accidentally associated, through their advocacy of government for distinctly different reasons.  Exercise of government power for any reason inevitably encounters opposition, sometimes even from those who benefit most from it.  Liberals' support of working people has been characterized as "heavy-handed" by the very industrialists who taught the world the meaning of heavy-handedness in their exploitive treatment of workers.  Liberals' defense of civil rights challenges the supposed right of a majority to victimize minorities without restraint.  Liberals' support of secular education, culture, and scientific research has been denounced as "playing God" by factions who see an ignorant populace as a resource to be exploited for their own gain.
          Yet the historical fact is that, quite unlike socialism, liberalism has strongly promoted economic growth in the private sector.  Parallel growth of government under liberalism is simply a result of dealing with problems and meeting needs arising from private-sector growth and innovation.  Yes, tax revenues increase, but as a natural function of rising income and purchasing power.  Government services can be enhanced, public debt paid down, and tax rates responsibly trimmed, all while people enjoy a higher standard of living.

 Tax-and-Spend Liberals   This is perhaps the most misleading tag that conservatives have pinned on their opponents.  If we look at government spending records, we find that conservative administrations typically spend as much as (and frequently more than) liberal ones.  In fulfilling its obligations to the people, government must pay for such things as national defense, public roads and bridges, maintenance of navigation channels, law enforcement, public health and education, industrial inspection, commercial and banking regulation, scientific research, and emergency services.  Aside from quarrels between conservatives and liberals over spending priorities, the real difference is in how conservatives and liberals prefer to pay the bills for whatever expenses government runs up.  For although government has the power to print money, money isn't real wealth; money merely represents real wealth (such as coal, copper, or corn).  If government simply increases the amount of currency without a corresponding increase in real wealth, then the unit value of the currency decreases, and we have inflation.  Sooner or later the bills must be paid by someone.  There is no magical way of getting around it—as some national leaders have discovered, to their regret.
          The liberal approach is straightforward:  Raise enough in taxes to pay for expenses.  Ease taxes on the poor who cannot afford to pay much, and place the bulk of the burden on those who derive proportionately greater benefit from the economic system.  Then maintain a balanced budget, except when deficit spending is absolutely necessary to meet emergencies.  This is closely akin to standard accounting practices for banks and businesses.  Under this system, taxpayers pay for the expenses which government has incurred on their behalf—a tax-and-spend system.
          Conservative strategies are more—shall we say—creative.  They frequently involve schemes to benefit corporations, through tax breaks on capital gains and depreciation.  The hope is that this "incentive" will somehow stimulate production and higher profits, thereby generating greater tax revenues.  That's the "supply-side" strategy.  While it has popular appeal, it has unfortunately failed every time it has been tried.  The reason is that it ignores a fundamental principle, that industry increases production in response, not to investment and tax breaks, but to market demand.  Savvy investors understand this, and in a lackluster economy are more likely to stuff any tax windfall into "safe" investments like bonds, rather than invest in businesses with stagnant market potential.  (So much for misguided incentives.)
          Naturally, it is embarrassing for conservative lawmakers to explain to taxpayers and voters why the wonderful plan does not produce the promised prosperity.  So, rather than hike taxes, they opt for deficit spending.  This means that government must borrow money (by selling bonds) in order to cover expenses.  But the more government debt accumulates, the more interest must be paid on it.  And the money to pay that interest comes from—where?—why, taxes, of course!  But since conservatives commit to no-new-tax policies in order to win votes, something else must give, and that something else is government services.  Naturally, this applies to almost everything (except lawmakers' salaries).  Let's face it:  If government gives tax breaks to some without generating revenue somewhere else, it must also cut whatever programs that lost revenue was paying for.  So after the song and dance are over, ordinary wage and salary earners ultimately end up taking the burden off corporations, if not in the form of higher taxes, then in the form of additional maintenance on vehicles driven on poorly maintained roads, of increased insurance costs due to cuts in emergency services, of lower productivity and greater absenteeism due to reduced health funding, and other mysteriously escalating expenses too numerous to mention.
          The liberal "tax-and-spend" policy might be unpopular, but it pays the bills and keeps debt at a manageable level, while keeping American workers the lowest-taxed of any in the industrial world.  Conservatives' "borrow-and-spend" policy, on the other hand, is essentially an expensive exercise in wishful thinking.  By relying on a smoke-and-mirrors fiscal policy, it deceives taxpayers with the idea that they are magically getting something for nothing, all the while burdening future generations with mounting debt.

Now we have a clear picture of what's wrong with liberals (or perhaps more tellingly, what's not right with them):

  • "Anti-business liberals" favor market-driven economics, which have historically yielded about twice the growth and prosperity of conservative debt-driven schemes.

  • "Bleeding heart liberals" stand for equal rights and equal treatment under the law for everyone.

  • "Environmental freak liberals" hold the vision that a healthy environment and a healthy economy are not mutually exclusive.

  • "Godless liberals" support people's freedom to worship (or not) in accord with personal conscience, without meddling by government or harassment by fanatics.

  • "Pointy-headed liberals" examine issues in a big-picture view that our highly specialized society tends to overlook, and have even been known to generate useful ideas, like new technology and cures for disease.

  • "Politically correct liberals" are mostly a relic of the past, and even in their heyday represented less of a threat to freedom than conservatives, whose affinity for censoring and outlawing anything controversial is well established.

  • "Socialist liberals" are a contradiction in terms.  Liberals favor responsible free enterprise, whereas socialists prefer government ownership of business.

  • "Tax-and-spend liberals" advocate responsible and sustainable fiscal policy.

Upon reflection, it would seem that the supposed evils of liberalism are not nearly as evil as portrayed by the competition, and perhaps liberals are not so terribly misguided after all.  Indeed, it would appear that popular criticism of liberals distills to the following:

  • Liberal policies have been good for the consumer market and the stock market.

  • Liberals stand for fair and equal treatment of all citizens under the law.

  • Liberals understand that our needs can continue to be met only through responsible use of resources.

  • Liberals believe that people should be able to choose a religion without government's "help."

  • Some liberals are intelligent, educated, and broad minded, and occasionally have good ideas.

  • Liberals believe government's highest obligation is to protect people's liberty from abuse by other people, by groups, by business, and by government itself.

  • Liberals understand that what really matters about government is its quality, not its size.

  • Liberals think government should pay its bills up front whenever possible, instead of sticking future generations with a mountain of public debt.

Now, if this constitutes criticism of liberals, then we are prompted to ask what alternatives conservatives consider more praiseworthy.  And if you find you agree with some or all of these ideas, then maybe you're really a liberal, too.  Perhaps more people would be liberals, if they could but find the honesty to contemplate the world as it really is, the courage to envision it as it could be, and the wisdom to understand that medieval attitudes can only lead us away from that vision, not toward it.

=SAJ=


 MAIN   ISSUES   LINKS   RINGS 
Government & Politics: Articles